Americans view the sweeping changes in family arrangements that have occurred over the by half century with a mixture of acceptance and unease.

Not surprisingly, the people who are living in new arrangements—cohabiting couples or unmarried parents, for example—are the nigh accepting of them. So are younger adults, who take grown upward amid a earth where single parents, same-sex couples and working mothers are more of a fact of life than they were for older generations.

Among the groups most uneasy nigh the changes are married adults and older adults, particularly men. At that place are some regional variances as well: Americans who live in the Midwest and Due south are more disapproving than those in the East and West. And as might be expected, attitudes about the new types of living arrangements generally track religiosity, credo and political political party amalgamation, with the more than bourgeois camps within all of these groups most probable to exist troubled past the changes.

The Pew Enquiry Centre survey asked a general question nigh the growing variety of new living arrangements, and too tested responses to 7 specific social trends that bear on family unit life today.

On the overall survey question about the growing diverseness of family living arrangements, there is no dominant respond among respondents. Every bit shown subsequently in this chapter, approximately equal shares of American adults say the growing variety is a good thing, bad thing or makes no difference.

Asked about the vii trends, most Americans disapprove of women having children without a homo to help heighten them. More than four-in-ten are critical of the rising numbers of unmarried couples raising children, of gay and lesbian couples raising children and of people living together without getting married—representing a lower level of concern but however a substantial minority. There is less disapproval of three other increasing trends—mothers of young children working outside the dwelling, childless women and racial intermarriage.

Single Mothers and Others

Among the vii trends tested that bear on living arrangements and family life, respondents have the highest level of disapproval (69%) for the growing number of single women who have children without a male partner to help enhance them. Merely 4% say information technology's a adept thing, and 24% say it doesn't make much difference for society. A bulk of men and women, all age groups, and all major race and ethnic groups disapprove of unmarried motherhood. Men, older adults and whites or blacks are peculiarly likely to disapprove.

Men (74%) are more than likely than women (63%) to say that the trend toward single mothers without male partners is bad for society. Whites (lxx%) and blacks (74%) are more likely than Hispanics (58%) to say and then. Americans ages 65 and older (fourscore%) are far more likely than younger historic period groups (63% of those ages eighteen to 29; 67% of those ages thirty to 49; and 70% of those ages 50 to 64) to exist critical of these single mothers. Within dissimilar age groups, men are more critical than women. For example, 70% of men ages 18 to 49 say the growing number of single women having children without a male person partner to help raise them is bad for club, compared with 60% of comparably aged women, and 81% of men ages 50 and older say so, compared with 67% of women in that age grouping. Among white men, 76% are disquisitional, compared with 65% of white women.

There is some variance by annual income on the question of rising numbers of women having children without a male person partner to help raise them. Here, people with annual incomes of $75,000 or college (72%) are more than probable to be critical than are people with almanac incomes of less than $30,000. People living in the Midwest and South are more disquisitional of the ascension in single mothers than are those living in the East.

According to National Center for Health Statistics data analyzed in a recent27, the share of births to unmarried women rose to 41% in 2008 from five% in 1960 and 28% in 1990. The share of births to women who are unmarried varies widely by race and ethnicity. More than seven-in-ten births to black women are to single mothers, compared with about half of births to Hispanic women and well-nigh three-in-ten to white women. Nonetheless, the share of births to single women has risen most rapidly for whites since 1990.

At that place also is broad variation by education level among unmarried women who give birth. Most births to college graduates are to married women. Well-nigh births to women with less than a high school education are to unmarried women.

Unmarried Couples

Americans overall are as likely to disapprove of gay and lesbian couples raising children, single couples raising children and unmarried people living together—43% say each of these growing trends is bad for guild. There are no notable differences between these trends in the share of adults who say that it is practiced for society or doesn't make much departure that more gay and lesbian couples are raising children (12% say it'southward good; 41% say it doesn't make much difference), more unmarried couples are raising children (10% good; 43% picayune departure) or more unmarried people are living together (nine% good; 46% little deviation). However, there is broad variation on these questions by age group and—on the question of same-sexual practice couples with children—by gender.

Virtually adults ages 65 and older are critical of these single couples, whether they are same-sex or opposite-sexual activity couples. Most young adults, ages xviii to 29, are non. Asked about same-sex couples raising children, only 28% of the youngest adults say this rising trend is bad for society, compared with 58% of the oldest adults who say it is. Adults ages 30 to 49 and ages fifty to 64 fall in between, at 44% and 43% critical, respectively.

There also are large gaps in disapproval ratings between the youngest adults (34%) and oldest adults (58%) over unmarried couples raising children. They also disagree near single people living together—only 27% of the youngest adults say this growing trend is bad for guild, compared with 64% of the oldest adults who feel that style.

Gender is strongly linked to differing attitudes on aforementioned-sex couples raising children, simply less and so to attitudes about unmarried couples raising children or unmarried couples living together. Men (50%) are markedly more probable than women (35%) to say the rise in gay and lesbian couples raising children is bad for society. This is true fifty-fifty at immature ages: 33% of men ages 18 to 29 are disquisitional, compared with 23% of women in that historic period group.

The gender gap is fifty-fifty wider amongst adults ages l and older: threescore% of men in that age group say same-sexual activity couples bringing up children is bad for lodge, compared with 39% of similarly anile women who say so.

There are no significant differences among Americans of different education levels in views on single couples raising children and on unmarried couples living together overall.

Simply on the question of same-sex couples raising children, college graduates are least likely to exist critical. Among those with a higher caste, 36% say this growing trend is bad for lodge, compared with more than four-in-ten Americans with some college education (46%), adults with a high schoolhouse diploma but no college (44%) or those without a high school diploma (46%).

By region, people living in the Midwest and South are more critical than those living in the Eastward of all three types of unmarried couples tested—gay and lesbian couples raising children, single couples raising children and unmarried couples living together.

Public attitudes on same-sex couples have softened in recent years. In a 2007 Pew Research Center survey, fifty% of adults said that gay and lesbian couples raising children was bad for order, compared with 43% in the 2010 survey. A growing share—34% in 2007 and 41% in 2010—say this ascension trend doesn't brand much difference.

Along these lines, a recent analysis by the Pew Inquiry Center for the People & the Press found that for the first time in 15 years of polling, less than half of adults oppose same-sex marriage. In two polls conducted earlier this year, 42% favored allowing gays and lesbians to marry, compared with 48% who were opposed. As recently as 2009, 37% were in favor while 54% were opposed. Age is strongly linked to attitudes about gay marriage. Older adults are less likely than younger ones to favor gay union.

Using a generational framework, more than than half of the Millennial generation—adults younger than thirty—favor allowing same-sex activity wedlock (53%), compared with 29% of adults ages 65 and older, the and then-called Silent Generation. Among adults ages 30 to 45 (Generation X), the analysis establish that 48% favor allowing aforementioned-sexual activity marriage. Amidst Babe Boomers, ages 46 to 64, 38% favor assuasive gays and lesbians to marry.

Every bit for male person-female person cohabitation, other survey data offer evidence of rising approval over contempo decades. In 1981, an ABC News/Washington Mail service poll asked whether people approved or disapproved "of men and women living together without existence married if they want to, or is that something you haven't formed an opinion on?" At that fourth dimension, 45% disapproved and 40% canonical. The share of adults who corroborate has risen steadily. In 2007, in response to a similar question in a Gallup/United states of america Today poll, 55% approved of live-in couples while 27% disapproved.

Cohabitation has grown sharply in the U.Due south. in contempo decades. Since 1990, when the Census Bureau outset allowed people to designate themselves on the census form as "single partners," the number of cohabiting adults has near doubled. In 2008, 6.2 million households were headed by people in cohabiting relationships, according to the American Customs Survey. They included 565,000 aforementioned-sex couples.

In 2008, 5% of households (1-in-20) were headed by a cohabiting couple, up from 3% in 1990. During that same time menses, the share of married-couple households fell to 51% in 2008 from 57% in 1990.

The number of cohabiting households has grown more sharply for Hispanics than for whites and blacks. (The Hispanic population overall is growing more than rapidly.) In 2008, cohabiting couples accounted for 8% of Hispanic households, and five% each of white and black households.

Census Bureau data indicate that half-dozen% of the nation's children younger than xviii lived with cohabiting parents in 2008. That share rose from three% in 1990. Most iv.3 meg children lived with opposite-sex cohabiting parents in 2008, and about 204,000 children lived with parents in aforementioned-sex cohabiting couples in 2008.

According to other researchers, most of the increase in the percentage of children being born to single women since 1990 is due to births to women who are living with an unmarried partner.28 A recent Demography Bureau report, using information from the Current Population Survey, estimated that of 4 million women who gave birth in 2008, 425,000 were living with an unmarried partner.29

Working Mothers

On the rising trend for mothers of immature children working outside the home, 37% of adults disapprove, 21% corroborate and 38% say it makes little departure. There are fewer strong differences across groups than on questions about single and aforementioned-sex couples raising children.

Attitudes are similar for men and women, and among age groups. Men ages 50 and older (45%), however, are somewhat more critical than women in this age group (35%).

By race and ethnicity, whites (38%) and Hispanics (41%) are more critical than blacks (29%). Hispanic women (48%) are notable for their criticism of working mothers of young children, easily surpassing white women (35%), blackness men (26%), blackness women (31%) and Hispanic men (33%) in their disapproval.

Near mothers are now in the labor strength, including mothers of children younger than three, but that was not always the case. The share of all mothers in the labor strength rose to 71% in 2008 from 47% in 1975. Among mothers of children younger than 3, 60% were in the labor force in 2008, compared with 34% in 1975.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Hispanic mothers of young children are less likely than other such mothers to exist in the labor force. Amidst Hispanic mothers of children younger than 3, 47% were in the labor force in 2008. Comparable shares for racial groups are 59% for white mothers and 62% for black mothers.

Other survey information show that over the past several decades, the public has become more inclined to believe that a working mother can do just as skillful a chore with her children as a stay-at-domicile mother. Answering a General Social Survey question that asked whether a working mother "can establish just as warm and secure a relationship with her children every bit a mother who does non piece of work," 60% agreed in 1985. In 2008, 72% of respondents agreed.

Childless Women

Every bit for rising childlessness, 29% of Americans say this trend is bad for society, xi% say it is skilful and the majority—55%—say it makes little difference. There is little difference in attitudes by gender, but there's a distinctive pattern past age. This tendency is the just ane tested nearly which the youngest adults are more concerned than older ones: 37% of 18- to 29-year-olds say it is bad for gild that more women practise not have children, which is nine or ten percentage points college than older age groups.

By race and indigenous grouping, the increase in women without children is of more concern to blacks (39%) and Hispanics (42%) than to whites (25%); whites are more probable to say it does not make much difference.

Childlessness has risen chop-chop in recent decades. In 1980, 10% of women ages xl to 44 had no biological children. In 2008, that share had risen to 18%. Childlessness has risen among all racial and ethnic groups, merely white women are the nigh likely not to have had their own biological children.

Aside from the issue of how Americans characterize the impact of growing childlessness on society, data from another survey indicate that they are less willing to criticize people who do not have children. In 1988, 39% disagreed that "people who take never had children lead empty lives," according to the General Social Survey. In 2002, 59% disagreed.

Racial Intermarriage

The increment in people of dissimilar races marrying each other is deemed good for social club by 25% of all adults and bad for society by 14% of adults. Fully 60% say they think it makes no difference. There are some differences by historic period and race groups. The intermarriage tendency is criticized by xxx% of Americans ages 65 and older, merely the proportion among younger age groups is less than half of that.

Whites (fifteen%) and Hispanics (13%) are more critical than blacks (six%). There is a gap between the most and to the lowest degree educated Americans on this question. But 8% of higher graduates say rising intermarriage is bad for lodge, compared with 22% of those without a loftier school diploma.

Intermarriage—defined as matrimony between either people of different races or between Hispanics and non-Hispanics—has risen in recent decades. In 2008, ane-in-twelve married couples included spouses of different races or ethnic groups, co-ordinate to a recent Pew Research Centre report. Amid newly married couples, about one-in-seven include spouses of different races or indigenous groups. This proportion has risen sharply since 1960, driven in part by changes in cultural norms, the ending of legal prohibitions against interracial marriage and the large influx of immigrants from Latin America and Asia.

In surveys conducted over the past decade, whites have grown more accepting of interracial marriage within their own families. The proportion of whites who said they "would be fine" with a relative's marriage to someone who is black, Hispanic or Asian rose to 61% in 2009 from 53% in 2001, according to the Pew Research center's contempo report. However, black approval of interracial marriage declined somewhat. In 2009, 72% of blacks said they would be fine if a family unit fellow member wanted to marry someone from one of the three other groups. In 2001, 81% said so.

Family Type and Attitudes

At that place are notable differences past marital status and family unit type on questions virtually whether specific types of new living arrangements are bad for society. Married adults are more critical than unmarried adults of single mothers, unmarried alive-in couples with and without children, and same-sex couples raising children. Married parents also are more critical of these arrangements than are single parents.

For case, 75% of married adults are critical of single women who accept babies without a man to help enhance them, compared with 62% of unmarried adults who say this growing trend is bad for society. About half of married adults say it is bad for society that more people alive together without beingness married (52%), more unmarried couples are raising children (51%) and more same-sexual activity couples are raising children (49%). Only near a third of unmarried adults say these trends are bad for society.

(Single adults include those living with a partner, divorced or separated, unmarried and never-married, and widowed. Widowed adults are more bourgeois on these questions than the other groups of unmarried adults.)

Married adults (41%) are more critical than unmarried adults (33%) of mothers of young children working exterior the habitation. Parental status makes a difference on this question: Married parents (43%) are more critical of working mothers than are married adults without children (31%) and all single parents (33%), especially single, never-married adults with children (21%).

Party and Religiosity

In that location are notable differences in attitudes toward nearly of the new living arrangements tested in the survey by political political party, ideology and religiosity. Generally, Republicans, political conservatives and adults who attend religious services at least weekly are more critical of these growing trends than are Democrats, moderates and liberals, and less religiously observant adults

On all 7 new arrangements tested, Republicans were more than critical than Democrats. There are gaps of 30 per centum points or more than between the share of Republicans and Democrats critical of the increase in single couples raising children (61% vs. thirty%), unmarried couples (63% vs. 32%) and aforementioned-sex couples raising children (65% vs. 30%). There likewise are gaps by ideology, with political conservatives being more disquisitional than moderates or liberals (except for rise childlessness, where conservatives and moderates do not bear witness a statistically significant difference).

The most religious Americans, every bit defined by attendance at services at to the lowest degree weekly, also are more critical of these non-traditional arrangements (except interracial marriage) than are less religious adults, those who nourish services less oft. For example, 67% say it is bad for gild that more than unmarried people are living together, compared with 37% of the moderately religious (those who attend services monthly or less) and 20% of the least religious adults (those who seldom or never attend religious services) who say and so.

Criticism or credence of these new living arrangements is linked to other attitudes about social change. Specifically, adults who are critical of single mothers, same-sex couples raising children and other non-traditional arrangements also are likely to believe that the growing variety of family arrangements is a bad affair, that a child needs both a female parent and father at habitation to be happy, or that union is best when spouses accept traditional gender roles.

As one example, people who say a child needs both a female parent and father at domicile to be happy are more likely than those who disagree with that statement to say single mothers (83% vs. 45%) or aforementioned-sex couples raising children (58% vs. 18%) are bad for society.

Growing Variety of Family Types

On the question of whether the growing variety of family living arrangements is good or bad, virtually Americans are neutral or accepting: 34% say it is a good thing, 32% say it makes little departure and 29% say it is a bad affair for social club.

Historic period is an of import dividing line on this question. The younger the person, the more probable he or she is to say the growing diversity is a skillful affair—46% of 18- to-29-year-olds do, compared with 24% of those ages 65 and older. Similarly, older Americans are more likely than younger ones to say these new arrangements are a bad matter. Fully 41% of Americans ages 65 and older say these changes are bad, compared with xi% of those ages 18 to 29.

In that location are no overall gender differences on this question, but there is somewhat of a separate among men and women younger than 50. Women ages 18 to 49 (44%) are more likely than similarly aged men (35%) to say the growing variety of family living arrangements is a good thing. Amidst the youngest adults, ages 18 to 29, there also is a gender difference: Most women in this age group say the new arrangements are a good thing (55%), while half of men (l%) say it makes no divergence. Amongst men and women ages fifty and older, there is no gender deviation.

Past race and ethnicity, Hispanics (55%) are more likely than whites (29%) or blacks (37%) to say the new arrangements are a adept thing. Both whites (32%) and blacks (24%) are more likely than Hispanics (xv%) to say these new arrangements are a bad thing.

Americans with the everyman levels of education and income (who, according to census data, are the least likely to be married) are more likely to approve of the growing variety of family unit living arrangements. For example, 49% of those without a high school diploma and 39% of those with almanac incomes under $30,000 say the growing multifariousness is good.

Marital Condition Makes a Difference

Marital condition makes a difference in attitudes. Married people (37%) are more than likely than the currently unmarried (19%) to disapprove of these new arrangements in the Pew Research Center survey. As might be expected, adults who are living with an unmarried partner (56%) are more inclined than married adults (29%) to see these new arrangements equally a proficient affair. Those who are currently cohabiting (56%) are more likely than people who have lived with an unmarried partner in the past (34%) to say the new arrangements are a skillful thing.

Parental status too makes a divergence in how people reply: 33% of parents, compared with 18% of non-parents, say the new arrangements are a bad thing. (Parents tend to be older, which as well plays a role.) Among parents, those who are married are more than critical than are those who are unmarried or living with a partner.

Religiosity, conservative ideology and Republican Political party affiliation besides are linked with higher disapproval ratings for the new types of living arrangements. For example, 45% of very religious Americans (those who nourish religious services at least weekly) say these new arrangements are a bad affair, compared with only xv% of the non-religious (defined as those who seldom or never get to religious services). Republicans (48%) are more likely than Democrats (17%) or independents (27%) to consider these new arrangements bad.

Attitudes about the growing variety of Americans' family unit living arrangements go hand in manus with other views about social change. People who are optimistic nigh the future of marriage are more probable than those who are pessimistic or uncertain to say that the multifariousness in living arrangements is good; a 38% share of optimists say so, compared with a 25% share of those pessimistic or uncertain. Those who disagree that a child needs a domicile with both a mother and father to abound up happily (42%) besides are more likely to say the new arrangements are a good matter, compared with those who believe a child needs both parents (30%). Americans who adopt a marriage where husband and wife accept traditional gender roles (23%) are less likely to say the new multifariousness is practiced than are those who adopt a marriage where both spouses accept more like roles (40%). Americans who disapprove of gay and lesbian couples raising children are more likely to be critical of the new arrangements (52%) than are those who approve of those couples (five%).

Attitudes and Definition of Family unit

People who disapprove of some of the new types of living arrangements also are less willing than those who are approving or neutral to describe single cohabiting couples or parents equally a family unit. As detailed in Section 3, nigh all adults say that they consider a married couple with children to be a family. Virtually nine-in-ten draw a married couple without children or a single parent with children as a family. 8-in-ten say that an single couple with children is a family. Still, only 63% say a aforementioned-sex couple with children is a family; 45% say a same-sex couple without children is a family; and 43% say a live-in unmarried couple without children is a family.

On the question of whether a single parent with children fits the definition of family, nearly adults say yep, no matter whether they approve or disapprove of new living arrangements in full general. All the same, in that location are gaps in the willingness to define a single parent as a family between those who agree that a child needs a female parent and father to be happy (81% of whom say a single parent with children is a family unit) and those who disagree (93% of whom say a single parent with children is a family). At that place likewise are gaps on this question between those who approve and disapprove of aforementioned-sex parents.

Similar patterns prevail when respondents are asked whether unmarried couples with children constitute a family. Almost adults say yep, only there is an approval gap linked to attitudes about same-sex activity parents, views about changing family arrangements, those who say a kid needs a mother and male parent in order to be happy, and those who accept differing opinions near gender roles in marriage.

When information technology comes to same-sex couples with children, less than half of adults who say new types of living arrangements are mostly a bad thing (33%) say this type of household is a family, compared with much higher shares among those who endorse the new arrangements (fourscore%) or say they make no difference (75%). As might be expected, but 30% of those who say aforementioned-sex activity parents are bad for guild concur that same-sexual practice couples with children are a family, compared with about nine-in-10 adults amid those who endorse (92%) the ascension number of same-sex parents or don't think information technology makes much difference (89%). One-half of those who say a child needs a mother and father to be happy (fifty%) say same-sexual practice couples with children are a family unit, compared with 89% of those who disagree that a child needs a mother and a father to be happy.

Supporters of traditional gender roles in marriage (45%) are less likely to consider same-sex couples with children to exist a family than are supporters of like gender roles (71%).

Cohabiting Adults

This section explores the experiences and attitudes of adults who say they have ever lived with an unmarried partner.

Cohabitation in the U.Due south. has become then established that about couples who marry these days live together first.thirty Only equally an system, it is quite varied, including couples who live together for differing amounts of fourth dimension and who may or may not take children.

Among survey respondents, 44% say they take lived with a partner without being married: 36% of whom cohabited in the past and 8% who say they are doing so now.31

The age group most likely to have lived with an unmarried partner is thirty- to-49-year-olds, more than one-half of whom (57%) say they have done so. Only 18% of adults ages 65 and older say they have lived with an unmarried partner. By gender, men (46%) are somewhat more likely than women (41%) to say they have cohabited.

Some 47% of blacks say they accept cohabited, compared with 44% of whites and 39% of Hispanics. Amongst black men, 58% take cohabited, compared with 38% of blackness women. There are no differences between people of different levels of education or income on the question of whether they ever accept cohabited, but the everyman income adults are more likely than the highest income adults to be currently in an unmarried partnership. Younger parents—those with children younger than 18—are more likely to accept cohabited (58%) than those whose children are all ages 18 and older (30%).

Almost married parents of children under 18 say they have never cohabited (57%), just almost unmarried parents of children under xviii say they have (eighty%). According to a recent estimate by researchers based on data from the National Survey of Family Growth, forty% of children spend some time in a cohabiting family by age 12.32

Those with conservative ideology (35%) are less likely to accept cohabited than are moderates (46%) or liberals (55%). By religiosity, the most religious (27% of adults who attend services at least weekly) are least likely to take cohabited, compared with the moderately religious (45% of those who attend services monthly or less) and those who are not religious (63% of those who seldom or never become to services).

Stride toward Marriage?

Amidst Americans who have ever lived with an single partner, almost ii-thirds (64%) say they idea well-nigh it as a step toward marriage. That includes 53% of those now living with a partner, compared with 67% of those who cohabited in the by. In that location are no pregnant differences by age, race or gender on this question, amidst people who ever lived with a partner.

Adults with annual incomes of $75,000 or more (69%) are more likely than those with annual incomes under $30,000 (59%) to say they saw cohabitation as a step toward marriage. And, as might be expected, a higher share of married erstwhile cohabiters (74%) say they viewed living together as a step toward marriage, compared with currently single people who accept ever cohabited (56%).

Some seventy% of self-described conservatives say they thought nigh cohabiting equally a step toward union, compared with 59% of liberals and 66% of moderates. The least religious Americans (divers every bit seldom or never going to services) also are least likely to take thought of cohabiting equally a stride toward spousal relationship—53%—compared with 72% of the moderately religious (attending services monthly) and 74% of the very religious (attending services at least weekly).

Looking at actual experience, about nine-in-ten married people who have cohabited say they lived with their current spouse before they got married—59% only with their electric current spouse and xxx% with their electric current spouse and with someone else. Married adults with annual incomes of $75,000 or more who cohabited in the past are notably more likely to have lived merely with their current spouse before they got married (67%) than are married people with annual incomes nether $30,000 (43%). Lower income adults are (48%) are more probable than the higher income adults to accept lived both with their spouse and someone else (26%).

As for the marital intentions of people who currently are cohabiting, 69% say they await they volition someday marry that person, 25% say they don't expect to and 6% don't know or would not answer.

Economic Considerations

Nigh a third of adults (32%) who ever have lived with an single partner say finances were an of import consideration in their conclusion to move in together. Blacks (44%) are more likely than whites (xxx%) to say so. So are 30- to-49-twelvemonth-olds (38%), compared with l- to 64-yr-olds (25%).

The Census Bureau recently released a report noting that the number of male person-female person cohabiting couples increased to 7.5 1000000 this year from half-dozen.7 meg in 2009. Analyzing the characteristics of cohabiting couples, the written report institute, among other things, that a higher share of men did not work in newly formed 2010 couples, compared with newly formed 2009 couples.

The report said, "Taken together, the ways in which newly formed couples in 2010 differed from existing couples suggest that economic situations such as longer-term unemployment may take contributed to the increase in contrary-sex cohabiting couples between 2009 and 2010."33